The Easy Conscience of America's Churches on Race
by James Cone

Plenary address at 2002 CTA national conference in Milwaukee

Professor of theology at Union Theological Seminary, New York City, Cone is considered the father of black liberation theology.

The problem of the 20th century is the problem of the color-line. W.E.B. Du Bois (1903)

The problem of race is America's chief moral dilemma. Martin Luther King, Jr. (1957)

The problem of race in America and the world is not a popular topic of discussion and debate among America's churches. The churches are busy saving souls and building humongous structures to house mega-congregations as a testimony to their successful ministries. Most Christians do not think that white supremacy is a serious challenge to the integrity of the gospel of Jesus. They just continue preaching and praying and singing about God and Jesus as if things are okay on the racial front.

The only time the churches initiated a sustained engagement of the problem of race as an urgent moral concern was during the 1950s and '60s Civil Rights Movement. The pressures of the events of the time forced this focus upon them. From the middle of the '50s to the beginning of the '70s, black and white churches were compelled to respond to the political and theological challenge of the black struggle for justice in the society and in religious institutions. For the first time in U.S. history, America and its churches were preoccupied with the race question because they had no other choice. Black resistance in the streets and the powerful prophetic voice of Martin Luther King, Jr., forced whites to face head on the great contradiction between racial segregation and America's tradition of freedom and the religious claim that God had created everyone with dignity and equality.

Civil Rights, Black Power, and Black Theology Movements of the 1960s forced Americans to talk about race - honestly and openly. They gave voice not only to blacks in the struggle for justice but to other racial groups as well, as people of color throughout U.S. society began to speak of "Red Power," "Brown Power," and "Yellow Power." People of color from all walks of life forced the nation's white majority to recognize their right to cultural integrity and political and economic empowerment.

There can be no meaningful progress in race relations without face-to-face dialogue where people of diverse races and cultures talk to each other with mutual respect and as important players in the conversation. Accustomed to having the last and only word, it is hard for the oppressor to acknowledge the voice of the oppressed. Isolated from the centers of power, it is hard for the oppressed to speak of justice with the calm and rational language of the powerful. As James Baldwin put it: "The subdued and the subduer do not speak the same language." Or, as Malcolm X said: "What is logical to the oppressor isn't logical to the oppressed what sounds reasonable to those who exploit us doesn't sound reasonable to us. There just has to be a new system of reason and logic devised by us who are at the bottom"

King or Malcolm X?
Whites generally get a little anxious when people of color speak with militant, angry voices. That was why whites dismissed Malcolm X as a preacher of hate and violence and gladly received Martin King as the "acceptable Negro leader." King spoke with a soothing voice and with love and nonviolence at the center of his message. He assured whites that if anybody were to shed blood in the fight for justice, it would be black protesters and not white bigots. Malcolm, however, spoke with an angry voice, with self-love and self-defense at the center of his message. He encouraged blacks to take a stand in defense of their humanity. Malcolm refused to assure whites that blacks would always be nonviolent. On the contrary, Malcolm told whites: "We are nonviolent with people who are nonviolent with us. We are not nonviolent with anyone who is violent to us."

When blacks speak with the passion and the bluntness of a Malcolm X, whites find the exit door and then blame blacks for being too vengeful and emotional. With the rise of Black Power and Black Theology and the widespread affirmation of blackness, whites stopped talking about improving relations between the races and found other causes to support.
Since the '60s, racial dialogue seems to be moving backwards. There is more segregation in America and more acceptance of it than ever before, especially in public schools, in residential communities, and in the social and religious life of Americans.

Even in desegregated schools, workplaces and churches, self-segregation seems to be pervasive. Whites and people of color may be in the same schools but they don't talk much to each other. Whites hang out with whites, blacks with blacks, Asians with their group, and Latinos with theirs. There are black and white students at Union Seminary in New York who have never had a social conversation across the racial divide. And I have found a similar experience of self-segregation in my travels to many colleges, seminaries, universities, and churches. The beloved community that Martin King and others fought so hard to achieve seems no longer to be the goal of Americans. Why are we so content with living separate black, brown, red, yellow and white lives? Do not the religions of Moses, Jesus, Buddha, and Muhammed demand that we reach out to each other-especially to the stranger, the neighbor who is different? By accepting segregation in our communities, are we saying that God created us separately and to live near and to marry only our own kind? Is that what we want to say to the world, and to our children? Do we have separate humanities - one for whites, another for blacks, and still other kinds for Asians, Hispanics, and Native Americans? Are our neighbors only people of our own kind? God forbid.

Unconscious racists
White Americans, especially northern liberals, who spoke so loudly for integration during the Civil Rights Movement and who still today give lip service to the beloved community during King's birthday celebrations, are often the first to erect legal barriers to protect their communities from living and socializing with other racial groups. During the late '60s, Martin King discovered, to his great surprise, what northern blacks already knew, namely, that Chicago, Boston, New York and similar cities and suburban communities were more racist than southern bigots in Mississippi and Alabama. He called northern liberals "unconscious racists." In the name of protecting their communities, whites often threaten and sometime carry out physical harm against blacks who try to move into white communities and schools. If blacks manage to get in anyway, whites often move out. Before we can blink an eye, a school, church or community becomes almost exclusively black or Latino. There are few schools, churches, or communities that are genuinely integrated with significant numbers of whites and people of color. As long as blacks do not exceed 15 to 20 percent, liberal whites usually tolerate their presence. Anything more than that, and the anxiety level of the whites gets out of control. Whites have a deep, primordial, and profound psychological fear of blackness. Most whites are often unconscious of their fear until they encounter a black where they least expected to see one.

Fear, hate and firearms
What people fear, they often hate. Fear and hate are an explosive combination. Many white policemen kill unarmed black people - shooting teenagers in the back - because they fear and hate blackness. Fear, hate, and firearms are a deadly combination, especially when the American legal system deals with blacks. One-third of black men, we are told, between the ages of 19 and 29 are involved in the legal system - i.e., in prison, on parole, or waiting for their case to come to the court. In Washington, D.C., the nation's capital, we are told, nearly 47 percent of black men are involved in the legal system. Approximately one-half of the two million people in America's prisons are black. If such percentages were found in the white community, President Bush would declare a national emergency.

Fear and hate cause whites to view most black men as criminals until they prove their innocence. When blacks complain about police brutality, white policemen often deny it because overt racism is not an acceptable public posture. Responding to the charge of racial profiling, the president of the New Jersey state troopers' union said: "We were never taught racial profiling. We were taught criminal profiling." Blackness and criminality seem to be identical for white America.

Because most whites fear blackness, racial dialogue is very difficult. Fear prevents whites from seeing blacks as human beings and distorts us as monsters. With daily reinforcement from the police and media, it is nearly impossible for the white populace to think otherwise.
Blacks fear whites too. But the black fear of whites is often well grounded. It is based on the long and violent history of white supremacy. There was little difference between the white police in the South and North and the white hate groups like the Ku Klux Klan. The function of both was to terrorize blacks so that they would stay in their assigned place. Although white violence is more camouflaged and hidden today, it is just as real and brutal as it ever was. Many blacks view the police as hired guns to protect whites from unruly African Americans.

Blacks fear whites not only because of physical violence but also because whites control their livelihood. If blacks talk too militantly, they will find themselves looking for another job. There is nowhere blacks can escape white supremacy. It is everywhere - controlling the centers of economic, political, intellectual, and religious power. That is what white supremacy means - white control of all resources essential for human well-being. Even when whites permit a token number of people of color to occupy high places, like Secretary of State Powell, National Security Advisor Rice, and Supreme Court Justice Thomas, they have to run those institutions in accordance with the values of white supremacy. White institutions seldom change because a few token people of color are placed in high positions. Actually, putting blacks or other people of color in charge of a major institution or city often makes it worse for people of color. The token black has to prove his or her loyalty to the white community. If there is the slightest perceived favoritism toward people of color, whites will get rid of that person in a minute.

The churches have been very slow to address racial issues because such issues are explosive. No talk elicits more heat and anger than race talk. Lying like a dormant volcano for many centuries, race pain and guilt can suddenly explode when one least expects it. If you choose to risk taking the lid off of this explosive topic, be prepared for outbursts of emotions from all sides. It is important for all participants in dialogue to speak frankly, lovingly and honestly. All should expect that someone would say something that another will deeply resent. Just remember, there is no advancing toward the ideal beloved community without knowing what people of color and whites really think and feel about each other, their churches, and society-from the very depths of our being. What is most needed in these racial conversations is the spirit of justice, love and understanding within racial groups and also between them. Without justice, love and understanding, no solidarity can develop across the racial divide. But with justice, love and understanding at the center of human relations, all things are possible, even racial reconciliation.

White supremacy
Let me explore some practical ways for multi-racial groups to begin to dialogue with the intention of building truly diverse communities and exposing and opposing white supremacy. We need a movement in America specifically designed to create multi-racial communities - people who work together, worship together, socialize together, and live together. Religious and university people should be the chief advocates and leaders of this movement. (So I hope next time I come here, there will be a few more people of color!) Here are a few guidelines:

Repentance - on both sides
1. As religious people searching for racial reconciliation, we must begin the multi-racial dialogue with repentance - a profound recognition that we have all fallen short, that is, as Christians say, sinned against God, our neighbors, and ourselves. We have not done all we should have done to create better racial understanding in our communities, the nation and the world. The need for repentance is not just for whites but also for people of color. No one is without fault. All of us without exception stand under the judgment of God - either because of our indifference to structural racism or because of our active efforts in dividing people of different races. There is no place for racial self-righteousness. We are all in need of God's grace and mercy.

I know that talking about repentance and sin is not the centerpiece of intellectual discourse about race or the central theme of black liberation theology. Sin has been used by dominant groups to stifle the struggles of the oppressed - especially people of color. Just when we get our act together for resistance against our oppression, the oppressor reminds us of the sin of pride and the need for repentance. Pride is the least danger for the oppressed, especially in relation to the oppressor. We need to assert ourselves and take a stand for our freedom. Sin is when we do not take a stand for justice. People of color need to repent of our passivity - our tendency to internalize oppressive values. Pride is the sin of the dominant groups. They love themselves so much that they cannot see the humanity of others. Whites need to repent because they often think too highly of themselves.

Repentance is a religious attitude of self-criticism. It is a way of judging ourselves from a transcendent perspective and finding ourselves wanting at the tribunal of our conscience. Only through the process of constant self-analysis are our primordial fears and hate checked-thereby creating the possibility of a profound spiritual change.

We must remember, however, that people are quite clever in hiding their racial sins, which are mostly structural and partly inherited from the injustices of the past. The more education and religion people possess, the more resources they have for self-deception. Smart people have a way with words. They can make right appear wrong and wrong right. Dominant groups justify their political interests using the Bible and church doctrine. When education and religion are used to defend the interests of the powerful, oppressors have powerful weapons of injustice. Complete honesty, therefore, in race matters is a difficult achievement, and it may be taken for granted that people who do not agonize over it do not possess it. Constant contrition is the only means of achieving an attitude that has the transformative power of repentance in it.

Although we all have sinned, not all bear equal responsibility for the racial divide in our churches, universities, society and the world. The primary responsibility belongs to the dominant group. White supremacy is a horrendous evil that whites created. While not all individual whites share equal responsibility for it because they don't have the same power, yet, as a tribal racial group, whites must take most of the blame for racism in America and much of the world. The rule is that people with the most power as a group bear most of the responsibility for injustice. You show me where the power is, and I'll show you where the injustice is.

Indeed, the more power people have, the more unjustly they usually exercise it. That is why democracy and dissent are so important. Power must be distributed among people so that they can protect themselves from the "piety"and "good will" of the powerful.

Reparation for slavery
2. If repentance is the first step toward breaking down the racial divide, reparation is the second. Acknowledging and working for reparation is the only way for oppressors to validate their repentance. Saying one is sorry for the wrong committed is not enough. Wrong must be addressed economically and politically. Reparation is paying back what was taken. Unless oppressors are prepared to establish justice for the oppressed, their repentance is a mockery.

Reparation is one issue that most whites, including liberal Christians, are not prepared to deal with in a serious manner. They want to reconcile with blacks without reparations, without justice. They want blacks to let bygones be bygones.

James Forman's Black Manifesto placed the reparations issue before white churches when he interrupted the worship service of Riverside Church, May 4, 1969. White churches, almost without exception, rejected the modest demand he made. Twenty years later, Rep. John Conyers of Michigan introduced the reparations issue in the U.S. Congress and has received little support from his white colleagues. While many grassroots black organizations have begun to make reparations central to their work, white churches and universities remain essentially mute.

All kinds of reasons are given as to why no redress can be given for 246 years of slavery. Theologically and legally, they make no sense. White theologians, ministers, and ordinary church members ought to know that, and perhaps this is why they don't like to talk about it.

Blacks, however, must not let whites off the hook on this issue. Demanding restitution is the only way that the oppressed can validate their repentance. Reparation is not welfare; it is justice. We must demand, therefore, that our rights be respected. If white Christians talk about repenting for the racial sins of their group and fail to link repentance with reparations, such talk is worthless and morally hypocritical. There is no way that a genuine racial dialogue can occur between blacks and whites without facing the question of reparations head on.

Forming small groups
3. The third step is the formation of dialogue groups who are prepared to repent and repair - not just in words, but also with a contrite attitude that leads to a profound commitment to social and political transformation. Small groups are less intimidating and they allow people to really get to know each other. Each group should be composed of equal members of whites and people of color so that people of color are not intimidated by being tokens in a sea of whiteness.

The dialogue should not be superficial - not a feel-good racial conversation. Racial dialogue is not about feeling good; it is about wrestling with the evil of white supremacy. Unless people are prepared to probe the deepest levels of the crimes of white supremacy, the dialogue theologically will be pointless.

Put yourself in their place
4. Empathy is indispensable for meaningful dialogue. Unless whites can successfully put themselves in the places of people of color and vice versa, no real understanding can occur. Many blacks will say that whites really can't put themselves in their places. Blacks have been known to say: "We were enslaved, and whites held us in bondage for two and a half centuries. They can't understand what we feel." Even on the cultural level they say, "It's a black thing, you won't understand." Some black people really believe that. On a superficial level, there is some truth in it. Not being biologically black sets certain limits on the depth of one's racial understanding. But on a human and theological level, it is way off the mark. We can transcend our historical and existential places and make genuine solidarity with others. That is what makes us one humanity. Religion offers people the possibility of self-transcendence. As James Baldwin said: "If the concept of God has any validity or any use, it can only be to make us larger, freer, and more loving. If God cannot do this, then it is time we got rid of him." If our religion will not bond us across the racial divide, we need to junk it. It's no-good, worthless chatter. Whites can understand blacks and so can Asians, Native Americans, and Hispanics. Anyone can understand another if they are willing to pay the price - that is, truly repent by joining in political solidarity with another in the struggle for justice. But that is not easy - not in the least. It requires constant critical self-examination and solidarity with the least of these, no matter the color.

Don't just talk: take action
5. It is important for multi-racial groups to bear witness against white supremacy with words and actions. We must do more than talk to each other. Talk is cheap if it is not backed up with action. Choose something that puts flesh and blood on the bones of your conversation. Make it real. This is not a social club, but a fighting club. Work together on a project that will build multi-racial communities and reduce racial injustice. If we adhere to the same faith and cannot work together, then that faith is corrupted. Test your faith to see if it has integrity. We know we have true and false prophets. Let us try to bear witness to the truth.

6. Lastly, be prepared for difficult times and a long struggle. Crossing racial boundaries is hard work and a never-ending endeavor. Make a commitment and stay the course.

Because multi-racial dialogue is hard work, don't decide to enter into it because you want to help another racial group. Join because you want to help yourself. Join because you believe that what happens to one group happens to all. No one is free until all are free. We are brothers and sisters, created for one community. If we believe in the oneness of humanity, we must, by the very nature of our belief, reach out to others across racial boundaries. People who don't reach out do not believe in humanity's oneness or that God created others with dignity and equality.

No matter how difficult the task, no matter how painful the process, don't lose hope. There is a transcendent realm to reality that is the source of judgment and grace. The judgment is God's resounding "No" to white supremacy, and the grace is God's "Yes" to racial reconciliation. Hope is the belief that God's grace is sufficient to heal the racial divide. The only way we can prove this truth is to bear witness to it daily - no matter how strange it might appear in an unredeemed world. Without hope, there can be no struggle. And without struggle, we die. Black slaves knew that and, against great odds, they expressed their hope in song: "Walk together, children. Don't you get weary. There is a camp meeting in the Promised Land."

If whites, blacks, Native Americans, Asians, and Latinos cannot create a disciplined, sustained dialogue on white supremacy, it is fairly obvious that they have an easy conscience regarding racism. Martin King claimed that whites had a conscience that could be pricked and thereby lead to a profound transformation in the society and its churches. Malcolm X said that whites had no conscience to which blacks could appeal regarding the dismantling of white supremacy. Who was right, Martin or Malcolm? Only you can decide. I hope you decide that Martin was right.